Animal Sentience and Post-Brexit Trade Deals: Conflicting Interests in UK Policy?

When DEFRA’s new Action Plan for Animal Welfare was announced in the Queen’s Speech last month, it was welcomed by the BVA.

The plan sets out policies that cover animal sentience (and its implications for animal cruelty laws and punishments), international advocacy, domestic animals and wild animals. The recognition of animals as sentient beings in law is possibly the most landmark move in the plan. It would place a legal burden on the state to, as the BVA put it, ‘consider the needs of animals across the species in future policy development and delivery’. That includes post-Brexit trade deals. It’s therefore relevant when considering the UK’s new agreement with Australia, though it’s as yet unfinalized.

The government’s argument is that breaking from the EU gives the UK more legislative power to increase its welfare standards, and to influence practices beyond our shores. The Action Plan is very clear that trade deals post-Brexit will have to live up to the UK’s high standards: ‘Our manifesto was clear that in all of our trade deals, we will not compromise on our high environmental protection, animal welfare and food standards.’ It stipulates that this means ensuring that ‘UK farmers should not be undercut by unfair competition’.

It’s not a new issue, either – it was back in 2017 that then-Environment Secretary Michael Gove promised that he would ‘make Brexit work not just for citizens but for the animals we love and cherish too’.

But if all of that is true, then why are some people still so worried about post-Brexit trade deals, especially those with the US and Australia?

Sheep in Scotland. Photo by Hazel Clifton on Unsplas.

Welfare, Environment and Undercutting

It is undeniable that current UK welfare standards are rated as considerably higher than many of our potential trading partners: the UK has an overall grade B under the Animal Protection Index (API), for example, while Australia has received a D. It’s a concerning difference for those championing animal welfare. Others, such as New Zealand, match current UK standards better – both they and much of Europe are a grade C. This is why Australia has hit the news when New Zealand hasn’t, even though the deals are being negotiated at the same time. It comes after a similar, long debate about a trade deal with the US, which uses multiple farming practices banned in Europe. Like Australia, the US has a grade D in the API. On protections for animals in farming specifically, both countries received an E; though the UK moves down to a D here, too. One grade still means a significant difference in practices. The RSPCA has highlighted things legal in Australia but not in the UK, including barren battery cages, sow stalls, hormone-fed beef, legal mulesing – the removal of skin and tails with metal shears – without pain relief (except in the state of Victoria), no requirement for abattoir CCTV and no plans to end live exports, with animals allowed to be transported without food or water in ‘intense heat’ for up to 48 hours. 

It’s the nature of the proposed deal with Australia that many in the farming and animal welfare communities are most concerned about. It focuses on reducing the cost of importing Australian animal products by introducing zero tariffs on increasing quotas over 15 years, and the argument is that UK farmers simply wouldn’t be able to compete with the low prices this would allow. Welfare standards aside, the sheer size of many Australian farms makes production, and therefore products, cheaper than British farmers say they can produce and sell at. In other words, they would be undercut – exactly what the government has promised won’t happen.

It would hit farmers who are using more sustainable methods especially hard; it isn’t just welfare standards that are higher in the UK but environmental ones, too, with intensive farming methods much more prevalent in Australia. Though Australia has made significant commitments to improving its farming carbon footprint (including being carbon neutral by 2030), there’s obviously a potentially significant carbon footprint attached to transporting food from the opposite side of the world. Alongside welfare implications, the World Wildlife Fund has pointed to environmental commitments that the deal with Australia could set back significantly.

Some have suggested that it won’t impact UK farmers too badly as long as there is transparent labelling so that consumers can make an informed choice. The government are arguing that deals like this will actually boost the UK farming industry as countries with growing middle classes, mainly in Asia, want to buy quality British produce and this would open up that market. And, of course, Australian farming is not a monolith – there are many farms that do adhere to higher welfare standards already. The BVA has suggested that tariff-free rules would need to only apply to those animal products that matched UK welfare standards. It’s not clear whether this is part of the plan or not but there has been word of ‘safeguards’ in official statements. Specifics of these have not been revealed. Instead, the government is saying that such details will be examined by the Trade and Agriculture Commission now that a deal has been agreed and that MPs will be able to vote it down if they consider it a bad deal. They are still insisting that standards won’t be lowered, nor British farmers undercut. This is definitely possible but would require specific and ‘meaningful safeguards’ like those suggested by the BVA; at present it is difficult to say how much protection will really be provided. It is not reassuring that lobbying bodies in Australia are saying the exact opposite: the chief executive of WoolProducers Australia, for example, has said they ‘will not support any FTA that required equivalency in animal welfare standards…there will be no regulatory barriers for Australian product on the grounds of animal welfare’. 

Cattle in Australia. Photo by Josh Withers on Unsplash.

A Bigger Picture?

There’s further worry, too, about how much negotiating power the UK actually has in trade deals post-Brexit. If countries that Britain is relying on for deals insist on including meat produced with lower welfare standards, will the UK government be in a position to refuse? With Australia, the deal isn’t really about the economy (it is estimated that it will only increase GDP in Britain by 0.02% over 15 years). Instead, this deal is symbolic of a ‘new’ Britain forming connections post-Brexit, and there are hopes it will encourage other countries to join the queue. (Though, as the RSPCA has pointed out, the ‘potential impact of this deal on animal welfare is anything but symbolic’). A major target here is a set of Asia-Pacific deals. What concessions will the government feel they have to make when a bigger picture is at play? Minette Batters, head of the National Farmers Union, is one of those worried that the government will make damaging concessions for farming in the pursuit of other gains. Loosening requirements on welfare, for example, are the kind of compromises that the US has been seeking with European countries for years. Some are also pointing out that it’s a potentially slippery slope and sets a minimum precedent. If such a good import deal is offered to Australia, will other potential trading partners expect similar benefits? All of this is of particular concern in a deal that many see as ‘rushed’. 

Conclusion

Ultimately, the UK is not self-sufficient in food production and needs external trade deals post-Brexit for both food security and the economy. But it has also made separate manifesto commitments, both to animal welfare standards and to protections for UK farmers. There is certainly potential conflict in government policy with competing interests at play, and disagreements within the Cabinet. Prime Minister Boris Johnson has previously said of a UK-US deal that food standards shouldn’t be lowered, while also defending the chlorination of chicken. These are two things that some argue cannot be reconciled. If deals are rushed through for their politically symbolic value then there will be a greater risk that these interests aren’t properly balanced.

DEFRA’s Action Plan describes the UK as ‘a nation of animal lovers’, and goes on to point out that the UK was the first country to bring in legislation that prohibited animal cruelty – so, the government are clearly aware that animal welfare is an important subject to much of their electorate. When the RSPCA praised DEFRA’s Action Plan, they also warned the government not to make it a ‘token gesture’. It remains to be seen whether these welfare propositions can hold their own against the pressure of trade deals in practice.

Sources

1 thought on “Animal Sentience and Post-Brexit Trade Deals: Conflicting Interests in UK Policy?”

Leave a Comment

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *